Showing posts with label legislations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label legislations. Show all posts

Thursday, July 2, 2009

DO INQUIRY COMMISSIONS SERVE ANY PURPOSE?

HOW LONG WILL IT STAND?

Justice M.S.Liberhan Commission, which was constituted on 16th December, 1992 to probe into demolition of Babri Masjid, has submitted its voluminous report to the Prime Minister after 17 years. About 90 Million rupees has been spent on it which saw 399 sittings and as many as 48 extensions. It was asked to give its report within 3 months.
The report now would be tabled on the floor of parliament and is likely to trigger a debate. Perhaps some more committees would be required to study thousand pages report and thus unending process of logical conclusion is likely to start. There is hardly any inquiry commission on the report of which concrete actions have so far been taken. The coming session of parliament will perhaps again witness uproar between treasury and opposition benches.
It is in this backdrop, an attempt has been made to understand intricacies and legal stand points of such Commissions in this article.
This issue has again come to fore that ‘Is Inquiry Commission a substitute of criminal prosecution? Do these Commissions serve any purpose? Is it not an eye wash? Are these Commissions able to bring culprits to book? Etc. After all, they are putting in enormous cost on public exchequer, the hard earned money of ours.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL ASPECT-To understand the entire issue, one has to discuss the Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952 itself. Before this Act came into being, the Government used to order an inquiry by executive notifications under Public Service Inquiry Act, 1850. Sometimes, they used to enact adhoc and temporary legislations also. To meet the public demand for impartial and judicial inquiries, the Government thought to come out with a comprehensive legislation, which resulted into passage of this Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952 in 1952.
Since its enactment, the constitution of Inquiry Commissions has become a tool for the Government to white wash the public anger and delay and diverts the attention of both public as well as media.
Since Independence, more than a hundred Inquiry Commissions have been set up, but a very few have served the purpose. Reasons are obvious. First, the provisions enshrined in this Act are not of deterrent in nature and secondly, most of the time the Commissions are set up under retired Judges for obvious reasons. Section 4 the Act provides for powers and it is clear that the Commission has no power to compel a person to adduce before it and give evidence. It cannot pass verdicts or judgements which could be enforceable. The helplessness is such that when any offence is committed in view of or presence of Commission, the Commission shall forward the case to the Magistrate for trial as provided in Criminal Procedure code.
The appointment of retired Judges, as head of the Commission is very much suitable for the Government. It is not merely a chance that one Judge has headed more than one Commission. The public perception is such that these Inquiry Commissions are becoming post retirement placement schemes for the favourite retired Judges.
UNENDING LIST OF COMMISSIONS- We have a long list of such Commissions, which have made inordinate delay in submitting their reports. Many of them have taken decades in so called’ conducting inquiries’ and even then the report which was submitted were so voluminous that we required another committee to find out ways to implement the recommendations. For example, as many as ten Commissions or committees have so far been set up with regard to the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi after the assassination of Mrs Gandhi. First of all, Marvah Commission (Ved Marvah, Addl C.P.) was set up in November, 1984. The Commission was about to finish the assigned task, but it was abruptly wounded up in May, 1985 and a new Commission headed by Justice Rangnath Misra was constituted and was asked to carry out the further inquiry hitherto done by Marvah Commission. But surprisingly the terms of reference was, to find out whether this was an organised riot only? This Commission submitted its recommendations in August, 1986 and recommended for setting up of three committees to do further work. Therefore; Kapur-Mittal Committee in February, 1987, Jain-Banerjee Committee in November, 1987, Potti-Rosa Committee in March, 1990, Jain and Agarwal Committee in December, 1990, and finally Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission in 2000 were set up. Incidentally, the same Judge was made in charge to inquire into Godhara incident. Nanavati has submitted first part of the report and final report is yet to come. No one knows when this commission will complete its job and when entire truth and facts related to this incident would be made known to all.

It is needless to mention that what has happened to reports and how much amount have been spent on these exercises. Has any prominent leader been punished so far? Many persons, against whom levelled charges were being inquired into, have died. Such are the frustrating results of these Commissions and Committees.
Similarly, Justice B.N. Kripal Commission of inquiry was set up on 13th July, 1985 to probe into the bombing of Air India Flight 182 Boeing 747 on 23rd June 1985 which led to crash of this plane into Atlantic Ocean leaving 329 passengers including crew dead. The Commission submitted its report after extensive tours of countries like Canada, USA etc, but when the prosecution began, nothing could be proved and none could be punished. The entire ‘investigation and inquiry’ went in vain. It is needless again, to calculate the amount which was spent on such inquiries.
After ‘tehelka’ expose, one Phukan Commission was set up to look into it. Everyone saw the tape on television and the then Government just to avoid immediate legal course, set up this Commission. In May, 2005 the Newsweek reported that Justice Phukan along with his wife and eight officials used IAF plane and went to Pune- Mumbai and Shirdi. The Ministry later said that the Judge was not entitled to use the military plane and it was made available to him by the then government in order to influence the Judge. Such allegations and incidents definitely erode public faith in such Commissions. The situation is such every Government in power use this provision to oblige the retired judges.
In Bihar for example, one Justice Amir Das Commission was set up to probe into the alleged connections of political leaders with a banned outfit called Ranveer sena in 1997. After elapse of more than eight years, the Commission could hardly do anything except for some tours and recording of statements some leaders. It was finally wounded up in 2006. Similarly one Justice Ali Ahmed Commission was set up to look into excess withdrawal in 1996. What recommendations did it submit or what actions had been taken, hardly anyone knows.
Commission under Justice RCP Sinha and Justice Samsul was set up on Bhagalpur communal riot in 1989. Reports were submitted in 1995. But when the new Government came to power it set up NN Singh (retired Justice) Commission to re-investigate the matter again. In 2008 one Commission under retired judge Sadanand Mukherjee was set up to probe into the Kahalgaon police firing. This commission is still a non starter vis-a-vis investigation of the incidence.
When Kosi eastern embankment was breached on 18th August, 2008, there were lot of allegations and counter allegations. The Government constituted a Commission under Rajesh Walia, again a retired Judge to probe into it.
The question that every sensible citizen would like to ask is that, whether Commission is a substitute of criminal investigation? How can a Judge be better equipped to do forensic test, do scientific investigations than a professionally trained police officer? Has the Commission power to make arrests to the persons likely to tamper evidences? The effectiveness of the Commission or for that matter the Commission of Inquiry Act was looked into by two Judge commission, which was constituted in 1987, it gave its observations and said the Act as ‘ ineffective and toothless’.
COMMISSION AND INVESTIGATION-Ours is the criminal justice system, which is based on the twin pillars of investigation and dispensation of justice. How can the Judiciary be asked to do the work of investigation, which is the work of the State as enshrined the law of the land? The Criminal Procedure Code and for that matter entire Criminal Justice System is erected on this principle and perhaps it is due to this principle, that the Judiciary and Executive have been completely separated in 1973, when the Code of Criminal Procedure was amended. After almost every police firing or so called fake encounters, the government sets up Commissions of Inquiry and tends to defer the problem so years. The list of such commissions is long and still names are being added to it. Once the commission is set up, public tends to forget the real issue and Commission embarks on an unending process of investigation, inquiry and facts finding. It took years and years in submitting the reports, which are so voluminous that it again requires some committees to suggest measures to implements the recommendations. What is the use of such reports, which themselves are not obligatory and mandatory for the Government to implement. Millions and millions of rupees have so far been spent on these nearly futile exercises, but the investigating agencies are languishing in the same state for years. Instead of modernising and equipping the investigating agencies, we go on doing cosmetic make ups. Public perception is therefore that, if the Government wants to bury the truth, it sets up a Commission. Public memory is short and it tends to forget everything. In the mean time these Commissions are becoming a post retirement engagement for Judges. Ours is an independent Judiciary and that is why Article 220 provides for restriction on practise by the retired Judges. The idea is that there should not be any scope whatsoever, of favour or disfavour by the serving Judges. By appointing the retired Judges in these Commissions or for that matter in any other body is a clear cut violation of the spirit of the Constitution itself. This type of public perception is detrimental for our democracy as well as Judiciary also. Judges should perform the duty of dispensing judgments only and not do the work of investigation; otherwise the entire edifice of our institutions would start eroding and crumbling.

Monday, January 5, 2009

नो मोरे हैप्पी ARRESTS


The Parliament passed Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) amendment Bill,2008 in its last session and gave country an omnibus law. The Amendment seeks to amend section 41 of the CrPC of 1973 and added some commendable safeguards to it.

WHAT IS THE EXISTING LAW WITH RESPECT TO ARRESTS U/S 41-

41. When police may arrest without warrant

(1) Any police officer may without an order from a Magistrate and without a warrant, arrest any person— 

(a) who has been concerned in any cognizable offence, or against whom a reasonable complaint has been made, or credible information has been received, or a reasonable suspicion exists, of his having been so concerned; or 

(b) who has in his possession without lawful excuse, the burden of proving which excuse shall lie on such person, any implement of house-breaking; or 

(c) who has been proclaimed as an offender either under this Code or by order of the State Government; or 

(d) in whose possession anything is found which may reasonably be suspected to be stolen property and who may reasonably be suspected of having committed an offence with reference to such thing; or 

(e) who obstructs a police officer while in the execution of his duty, or who has escaped, or attempts to escape, from lawful custody; or 

(f) who is reasonable suspected of being a deserter from any of the Armed Forces of the Union; or 

(g) who has been concerned in, or against whom a reasonable complaint has been made, or credible information has been received, or a reasonable suspicion exists, of his having been concerned in, any act committed at any place out of India which, if committed in India, would have been punishable as an offence, and for which he is, under any law relating to extradition, or otherwise, liable to be apprehended or detained in custody in India; or 

(h) who, being a released convict, commits a breach of any rule made under sub-section (5) of section 365; or 

(i) for whose arrest any requisition, whether written or oral, has been received from another police officer, provided that the requisition specifies the person to be arrested and the offence or other cause for which the arrest is to be made and it appears therefrom that the person might lawfully be arrested without a warrant by the officer who issued the requisition 

(2) Any officer in charge of a police station may, in like manner, arrest or cause to be arrested any person, belonging to one or more of the categories of person specified in section 109 or section 110 

In fact, this is the section which provides ample scope to the police to misuse of
power to make arrests. Even the Police Commission has said that about 60% of the arrests made by the police are unnecessary and could be avoided. Such arrests not only infringes upon the fundamental rights of the citizen as enshrined in the Constitutions of India but also increases burden on Jails. According to an estimate such arrests increases the burden on jails up to 43%. Thus such arrests are not only creating legal but causing administrative inconvenience also. It is in this backdrop, The National Law commission in its 177th report had suggested certain changes in the provisions related to powers of arrests. This amendment has not only incorporated these suggestions but also has taken care of the detailed guidelines of Hon'ble Supreme Court given in the famous D.K.Basu vs State of West Bengal case.

WHAT WOULD BE THE SITUATION NOW?

Now, the Police cannot make arrest in an alleged offence for which minimum stipulated punishment is less than seven years and that too not merely on suspicion. Arrests can only be made on reasonable complaint and credible information. This amendment is likely to stop or at least check 'the Happy arrests' or 'whimsical arrests' by the Policemen. The police can use procedure to serve notice to the suspects to appear before it instead of outright arrests.

IS THIS SUFFICIENT TO STOP MISUSE OF POWER OR SOMETHING ELSE SHOULD BE DONE
It is not sufficient. In fact in normal alleged crime or suspicion of alleged crime, the accused should be heard and be given sufficient time to prove him or herself before arrests.Once the person gets arrested, his or her image gets tarnished no matter after few days he is released on bail or even acquitted. The arrest should be made only the person is not cooperating in the investigation or is likely to escape from the country.

Monday, November 3, 2008

Act to bring transparancy in Urban Local Bodies

                            BIHAR, INSTITUTIONS ARE BEING RE-ESTABLISHED

Act soon to bring transparency in Bihar ULBs
Urban Local Bodies in Bihar will soon have a transparent umbrella through which their assets, liabilities and obligation can be viewed by common men

Published on 8/19/2008 4:53:22 PM
By Sarita Yadav

Patna: All the 122 Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in Bihar will soon have a transparent umbrella through which their assets, liabilities and obligation could be vividly viewed by common men.

The first state in the country to enact the Model Municipal Act ensuring all-round development of municipal areas, Bihar has moved further towards people's empowerment by introducing Bihar Urban Local Bodies Disclosure Bill, 2008.

The Bill already passed by the state Legislature during the monsoon session is awaiting Governor's nod to become an Act.

"As a matter of fact, section 4 of the RTI Act, 2005 has made it obligatory on part of all the Public Authorities, to publish within 120 days from the date enactment of the RTI Act, all relevant details, assets, liabilities, obligations, duties and functions," an official said.

This Bill was in pursuance to this provision, he added.

The Act aims to bring about a transparency in the working of these ULBs. Even after passage of Bihar Municipal Act 2007, the local bodies failed to deliver the goods to the common men.

The state has yet to prepare a statement of its urban policy or strategy. Without such a unified policy document, urban sector works have been fragmentary and have been undertaken by different agencies without close alignment of resources, resulting in grossly inadequate and inefficient urban development.

Despite the breakthrough Bihar Municipal Act introduced by the state in 2007, fully empowering the ULBs to provide all urban services and recover costs, non-municipal agencies like Public Health and Engineering Department (PHED) and Bihar Rajya Jal Parshad (BRJP) retain control of typical municipal functions such as the creation of water supply and sewerage systems.

Besides, the ULBs have very low technical, financial and institutional and management capacity and need extensive strengthening, along with immediate financial reforms, to fulfil their mandate under the Municipal Act.

According to the 2001 census, Bihar had an urban population of only 86.8 lakh, or 10.46 per cent of the total population, versus the national average of 28 per cent.

About 60 per cent of this urban population is in the southern part of the state, with a significant concentration in Patna, and more than 50 per cent is in class I towns (towns with a population of more than one lakh; Bihar had 19 of these in the 2001 census), thus putting concentrated pressure on those towns.

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